Mental Health Association of Portland

Oregon's independent and impartial mental health advocate

City of Portland seeks to settle lawsuit with man injured in protest after Campbell, Collins deaths

Posted by Jenny on 18th May 2013

By Maxine Bernstein, The Oregonian, May 17, 2013

March 2010 protestThe City of Portland would pay $35,000 to settle a lawsuit brought by a man who was injured during a March 2010 anti-police protest, under an ordinance that will go before city commissioners Wednesday.

The encounter, captured on television footage, resulted in injuries to Clifford Richardson. He was treated at OHSU Hospital after his head and face struck the pavement during a scuffle with an officer, according to city records.

During the 2010 protest, Portland police formed a line with their bikes to keep protestors from moving into the street. Richardson, according to city documents, pushed at an officer and officers moved in to take him into custody.

“During the struggle that ensued, Richardson’s upper body was struck by a police officer’s knee and as a result, his head and face struck the pavement,” according to city documents distributed to commissioners.

READSettlement documents (PDF, 291KB)

Richardson, then 24, was charged with disorderly conduct, resisting arrest, interfering with police and harassment. He was later acquitted of all charges at trial.

Richardson then filed a civil lawsuit against the city in Multnomah County Circuit Court, alleging false arrest, battery and malicious prosecution. He was seeking $15,000 for past and future medical bills, plus $500,000 in general damages.

The settlement figure was reached after significant negotiations, according to the city.

“Approval of this settlement will avoid the cost and expense of a trial and a jury award that could potentially be significantly larger,” according to Randy Stenquist, of the city’s risk management office.

The protest was one in a series that followed two officer-involved fatal shootings that year: the Jan. 29, 2010 fatal shooting of Aaron Campbell by Officer Ronald Frashour, and the March 22 fatal shooting of Jack Dale Collins near a Hoyt Arboretum restroom by Officer Jason Walters.

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City of Portland to pay $2.3M in lawsuit filed by William Kyle Monroe, shot by police in 2011

Posted by Jenny on 1st May 2013

By Maxine Bernstein, The Oregonian, April 30, 2013

Dane Reister

Dane Reister

The city of Portland will pay $2.3 million to settle a federal lawsuit filed after Police Officer Dane Reister wounded William Kyle Monroe in 2011 when he mistakenly fired lethal rounds at him from a beanbag shotgun.

The proposed settlement was reached after city attorneys and Monroe’s lawyer met Monday in a mediation session with U.S. District Judge Ann Aiken.

It must still go before the City Council for approval. If accepted, it would mark the city’s largest individual settlement in its history.

“Honestly, I think in the grand scheme of things, it’s not an unfair settlement,” Thane Tienson, Monroe’s lawyer, said Tuesday.

Tienson said the money will help pay for Monroe’s ongoing medical costs and lost wages.

Reister’s gunshots fractured Monroe’s pelvis and punctured his bladder, abdomen and colon. The fourth shot, fired from less than 15 feet away, left a “softball-size hole in his left leg” and severed the sciatic nerve, according to Monroe’s suit.

Monroe, who was 20 at the time and diagnosed with bipolar disorder, is permanently disabled and narrowly escaped bleeding to death only because OHSU Hospital was near the shooting scene, his lawyer said.

The day after the shooting, then-Mayor Sam Adams called the shooting “a tragic mistake.”

Mayor Charlie Hales said Tuesday he was aware that a proposed settlement had been reached.

Chief Mike Reese released a statement: “The Police Bureau continues to hope for Mr. Monroe’s full recovery and the Bureau recognizes that this incident has been extremely difficult for everyone involved.”

Though Tienson said he believed a higher settlement could be justified given Monroe’s permanently disabling injuries, he added, “There’s value in settling a case early on. Mr. Monroe wanted to put this case behind him and get on with his life, and that’s a decision I respect.”

Tienson said he also hopes the large settlement spurs substantial change within the Police Bureau — “not only in training, but in the way the Police Bureau responds to claims of people who are in emotional crisis. The record speaks for itself.

“We’d like to think another multimillion-dollar settlement involving claims of excessive force by Portland police against someone who has a mental illness will provide further pressure on the city” to get reforms underway stemming from a recent U.S. Department of Justice investigation of Portland police, he said.

The investigation found that Portland police engage in a pattern of excessive force against people with mental illness.

Monroe’s federal lawsuit accused Reister, Police Chief Mike Reese and the city of violating Monroe’s civil rights through false arrest, assault and negligence.

The suit alleged that the police chief could have prevented such a mistake by prohibiting officers from mixing lethal ammunition with less-lethal munitions in their duty bags, as Reister did. Further, the suit contended that the bureau had failed to adequately discipline officers who are “pre-disposed” to using excessive force.

“Defendant Reister’s conduct was so extreme that it goes beyond all possible bounds of decency, and it constituted conduct that a reasonable person would regard as intolerable in a civilized community,” Tienson wrote in the suit.

According to the suit, Monroe, who lives with his father in Hillsboro, had intended to drive to Bremerton, Wash., to visit his mother the day before the shooting, but became disoriented and was suffering from a paranoid mania.

He ended up in Lair Hill Park the next morning, where children from a day camp were playing. Monroe pulled discarded flowers out of a park garbage bin and tossed them near the children. Camp supervisors told Monroe to leave the park. Police received two 9-1-1 calls from camp officials. The camp director said in the second call that Monroe may have a pocket knife up his sleeve.

Reister responded to the call. He spotted Monroe on Southwest Naito Parkway, commanded him to stop and get down on his knees with his hands behind his head. Reister asked Monroe if he had any weapons, and Monroe emptied his pockets, discarding his miniature Swiss army knife, the suit says. Monroe put his hands behind his head, but asked why he should get on his knees. Reister grabbed his beanbag shotgun from his car, and two more officers arrived.

Monroe assured police he hadn’t done anything wrong as he backed away and then began running and yelled for help. Without warning, the suit says, Reister fired five times, emptying his clip. The fifth round jammed because of Reister’s “excessively rapid firing,” the suit says.

Four months after the shooting, the police chief issued a new policy, requiring that beanbag ammunition be stored only in a carrier attached to the side or stock of the orange-painted, 12-gauge beanbag shotguns.

Five years earlier, the suit noted, Reister mistakenly fired a loaded riot-suppression launcher during training, injuring an officer posing as a protester with a smoke round.

The suit had called for Reister to lose his job. That’s not part of the proposed settlement, Tienson said.

“That’s a decision the city has yet to decide,” he said. “I think my client would like to see that happen.”

Nearly two years after the shooting, Reister has faced no discipline and remains on paid administrative leave.

He also faces pending criminal charges. Reister has pleaded not guilty to an indictment charging him with third- and fourth-degree assault. The Multnomah County District Attorney’s Office added a negligent wounding charge.

The indictment marked the first time in the county’s history that a grand jury brought criminal charges against a Portland officer for force used on duty.

Judge Aiken has brokered other large settlements between plaintiffs and the city of Portland.

She helped broker a $1.2 million settlement in February 2012 between the city and the family of Aaron Campbell, an unarmed African American man shot in the back in 2010 during a police standoff. She also helped in the mediation that led to the $1.6 million settlement between the city and family of James P. Chasse Jr. in May 2010, the largest settlement then in the city’s history.

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Portland police hope new mental health unit will curb deadly encounters

Posted by Jenny on 12th April 2013

By Bob Heye, KATU News, April 10, 2013

PPB shieldA new Portland police unit is about to enter training to cut down on violent confrontations between police and people with mental health problems.

Police hope it will cut down on the chances they’ll encounter people with mental health problems, and when they do, these specially-trained officers will lessen the chances those encounters will turn deadly.

Last month two Portland police officers shot and killed Santiago Cisneros III after he opened fire on them. Cisneros was a veteran who’d reportedly been diagnosed with post-traumatic stress disorder.

In 2010 police shot and killed Aaron Campbell. They’d been called in by Campbell’s family who was worried about Campbell’s grief over his brother’s death.

In 2006 it was James Chasse, a man diagnosed with paranoid schizophrenia, who was beaten by police. Chasse died in the back of a police cruiser.

Police say their new unit is aimed at cutting down those deadly encounters.

“To get them out of a crisis-cycle so we’re not encountering them on a regular basis,” said Sgt. Pete Simpson, a Portland Police Bureau spokesman.

Every Portland police officer gets training to deal with people having mental health problems. In September, a Justice Department investigation into those previous cases said that wasn’t enough.

Now 50 Portland officers will get extra mental health response training. It is training unique to Portland.

“There’s really nothing like it in the country that we’ve been able to take out of a box and say, ‘this is what we’re going to do,’” Simpson said.

Mental health advocates believe that extra training will pay off and know the federal focus on Portland police problems will get attention from cities around the country.

“Because we have had this additional attention on these use-of-force issues, Portland is now way out ahead of the rest of the nation,” said Jason Renaud of Mental Health Association of Portland. “It will be the other cities coming to visit us to find out how to make this happen.”

To make it work police need a place to take people in mental health crisis other than jail or to the hospital. Under the agreement with the federal government, that’s supposed to be a mental health walk-in center.

But nobody has come up with the $1 million it will take to get the center running.

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Bill would ban arbitrators from reversing discipline for Portland cops who use excessive force

Posted by Jenny on 8th April 2013

By Maxine Bernstein, The Oregonian, April 8, 2013

Protest following Aaron Campbell's shooting death by then-Officer Ronald Frashour.

Protest following Aaron Campbell’s shooting death by then-Officer Ronald Frashour.

Portland police disciplined for using excessive force would not be able to challenge the discipline before a state arbitrator, under a bill that will have a hearing before state lawmakers on Wednesday.

State Sen. Chip Shields, D-Portland, has sponsored the bill, at the request of Portland attorneys Greg and Jason Kafoury. The Kafourys are disturbed by the high-profile Portland police discipline cases that get overturned by a state arbitrator.

The bill would only affect Portland police, as it’s written for Oregon cities with populations over 300,000.

An arbitrator’s ruling ordering the reinstatement of fired Officer Ronald Frashour, who fatally shot an unarmed man in the back in January 2010, is among the most recent examples.

The Kafourys said they’re pushing for a legislative change because the city has not been able to negotiate changes to the Portland Police Association contract, which allows for binding arbitration.

Senate Bill 747 will be heard at 3 p.m. before the Senate’s General Government, Consumer and Small Business Protection Committee.

The proposed legislation also would allow police managers to issue serious discipline for misconduct that may have drawn a less severe penalty in the past.

“Our goal is to have a police union contract in Portland which does not allow for arbitration in cases of use of excessive force,” said Greg Kafoury on Monday. “We want there to be political, democratic control of the police department. That’s only going to happen when the mayor has ultimate power over police discipline.”

Kafoury called the arbitration cases enormously expensive for the city of Portland, “and they lose virtually all of them.”

“Even when we sue an officer and win six figure verdicts” Greg Kafoury said, “they’re routinely ignored.”

Police union representatives have argued that the percentage of discipline cases they challenge is small. A 2012 Oregonian review found that in the prior 10 years, 12 discipline cases in the nearly 1,000-member Portland police force ended up in arbitration. An arbitrator overturned the discipline in half; the others were awaiting a hearing or a ruling.

Daryl Turner, president of the Portland Police Association

Daryl Turner, president of the Portland Police Association

But the cases that reach arbitration usually are high profile and involve the most egregious conduct, tactics leading to the use of deadly force or, in Frashour’s case, the use of such force.

For example, an arbitrator overturned Frashour’s firing; the 80-hour suspensions for former Officer Chris Humphreys (now Wheeler County Sheriff) and Sgt. Kyle Nice following the death of James P. Chasse Jr. in police custody; the 900-hour suspension of Officer Scott McCollister for his actions leading up to his fatal shooting of Kendra James; and the firing of Lt. Jeff Kaer, for his actions leading up to the fatal shooting of a motorist who was parked outside his sister’s home.

Will Aitchison, who represented the Portland Police Association for 32 years, said there were only three terminations of Portland officers related to use of force that were overturned by an arbitrator during his tenure: that of Kaer, Frashour and Officer Doug Erickson.

“It’s a solution in search of a problem,” Aithison said of the Kafourys’ legislative initiative.

Aitchison argued that the bill would “deprive police officers of the right to an independent review, as to whether discipline is fair.”

Last summer, The Oregonian reviewed 14 Portland police arbitration decisions since 1981 and found that discipline usually was overturned because either the bureau did a shoddy investigation or the arbitrator picked apart a chief’s decision with a grab-bag of objections: Similar misconduct by officers in the past hadn’t drawn such discipline, police policies were unclear or none governed the alleged misconduct, bureau instructors testified that an officer had acted as trained, or the officer had a prior clean record.

Greg and Jason Kafoury said they plan to play at Wednesday’s hearing part of a Feb. 9, 2011 deposition they took from former Police Chief Rosie Sizer stemming from a lawsuit against Sgt. Kyle Nice, in which she said she didn’t recall firing anyone for excessive force during her tenure as chief. Further, the deposition shows that Sizer thought all Portland police terminations for use of force “were all overturned through the labor process.”

During Chief Mike Reese‘s tenure, he’s had to rehire two officers he fired: Frashour and Scott Dunick, who smoked marijuana off-duty, gave one of his prescription pills to a fellow officer and then drove drunk while under investigation. An arbitrator ordered the chief to reinstate Dunick, albeit with a three-month suspension.

The Kafourys said they recognize the bill will face vehement opposition from the city’s police unions and likely does not have the support to pass this session.

“It’s going to be a long-term battle,” Jason Kafoury said.

Greg Kafoury met briefly with Mayor Charlie Hales to discuss the bill.

“We are aware of the bill and are monitoring it,” said Dana Haynes, the mayor’s spokesman.” We have not taken a position to support it or not at this time.”

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Mike Reese might have been mayor; for now he’d rather be the face of police reform

Posted by Jenny on 18th January 2013

By Denis Theriault, The Portland Mercury, Jan. 16, 2013
Chief Mike Reese

Chief Mike Reese

The thought was hard to escape. If life had gone just a little bit differently—if the feds had waited to crack down on Portland cops for years of rough treatment of the mentally ill, if Occupy Portland hadn’t sprouted right when it did in 2011, if last year’s mayoral election hadn’t shaped up as a frantic fundraising race—Mike Reese might still be sitting down with me.But he wouldn’t be in uniform.We’d be a few blocks away from his spacious office on the 15th floor of downtown’s Central Precinct. We’d be on the third floor of city hall—in the mayor’s office.

That isn’t, of course, what came to pass. Reese, who became chief in May 2010, only briefly chased the job eventually won by Charlie Hales. He bowed out just early enough to keep things from being too awkward when Hales officially became, as of this month, Reese’s boss. And now? Reese says he wants to stay right where he is—joining, if Hales lets him, the ranks of Portland’s longest-tenured police chiefs.

That won’t be so easy. Though he could choose at any point to float off into a young retiree’s life of guitar practice, youth sports coaching, and running, Reese will instead guide the police bureau as it enters into its most tumultuous chapter in decades.

Federal reforms will force new limits in how officers use force, fire Tasers, and interact with mentally ill people—a potentially unsettling shift for the rank and file that’s already sparked tension with the police union, the Portland Police Association (PPA). Money is tight, raising the specter of job cuts. And police accountability groups, despite a palpable opening of the bureau under Reese, still rail at an institution they see as too insular and self-interested to ever create real change.

The chief talked about all of it during a wide-ranging interview earlier this month. Responses are slightly edited for length and clarity.

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MERCURY: Let’s start with the US Department of Justice (DOJ) settlement. The court process is obviously still unfolding, but the federal judge overseeing the agreement has also said the city and the feds are free to privately implement whatever they want while waiting for his blessing.

REESE: We’re moving forward on critical issues irrespective of what happens at the courthouse. We’re forming a behavioral health unit—selecting officers and creating an advisory board. We’re working on training for crisis intervention officers and the selection process for those folks. We’re going to move forward as quickly as possible, being mindful that there is a process. We want to get the advisory board in place and have them help us design some of the training.

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Who are you recruiting for that panel?

I’ve met with the head of the [local chapter of] the National Alliance on Mental Illness [NAMI] and some of their constituents. We want Cascadia and Central City Concern and Transition Projects to be part of that, and other treatment providers, too.

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How close is the crisis intervention team to launching?

We had 55 people apply. We’ll take everybody who meets the standards. So if we have 55 officers who want the job, and they have no performance issues and they’re hard-working and their supervisors think they’re right, we’ll train them all.

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What will be the policy changes on use of force?

We want to move forward on the Taser policy. We want to make sure our officers are trained on recent court rulings and community expectations. We are at the final stages of getting feedback from the Portland Police Association and the Department of Justice. Then we’re going to start training on it. And our overall use of force policy? Same thing.

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What are you hearing from PPA President Daryl Turner? He’s been critical of the process.

The PPA was frustrated that they weren’t at the table during our negotiations with the DOJ. But the DOJ was very clear that conversations were confidential and between the city and the Department of Justice. We recognize there might be labor contract implications, and that’s written into the agreement.

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Some changes, like assigning sergeants to go out to do hands-on use of force investigations, happened months before the settlement took shape. But you told community groups you wanted to wait before tightening the bureau’s Taser policy. How did you draw that distinction?

With the Taser policy, we had a lot of conversations with community groups. So that took a while. And then there were some court cases before the Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals that we were waiting for, to give us guidance on overall Taser policy. That happened probably in July or August. By then we knew the Department of Justice findings were going to come out. They were telling us it was going to be soon, so we said let’s wait on what happens with that before moving forward.

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The deal calls for a new medical facility where officers can drop off people in crisis. It’s supposed to open this summer. I’m not sure that’s going to happen.

Some of those things are out of my control.

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How did that get into the settlement?

Both the Department of Justice and the police bureau sought a different model than the one we have. The DOJ had looked at other cities that had a single location to drop people off. We used to have that model. It worked very well for us, so we strongly advocated for it.

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The county pretty recently opened its own Crisis Access Treatment Center. How well has it been working?

I don’t know. It doesn’t work for us. We’ve never taken anyone there.

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What about it isn’t working?

They have procedures against it. I can’t take anybody there.

[Asked for comment, Multnomah County spokesman David Austin clarifies that police are free to take people in crisis to the CATC, provided they call first to start the admissions process. “The police absolutely have access to the CATC and to other critical mental health services designed to help people in crisis. Because we’re all partners. This is a community issue, and we all have a stake in figuring out the best ways to serve anyone a mental health crisis.”]

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The mayor has repeatedly stressed the need for a “culture change” in the bureau. What comes to mind when your new boss says that about an organization you’ve run for nearly three years?

He heard from a lot of folks in our community who want the Portland Police Bureau to be in sync with their values. You know, these are challenging times for police organizations around the country, because as crime has fallen, the work that officers do has fundamentally changed.

As I have said since I became chief, our officers have to have better relationships with social service providers than they do with the jail. Homelessness and drug addiction, poverty and mental health issues are not problems easily solved by society, much less law enforcement.

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Has the bureau’s new training advisory committee started meeting?

I don’t know if Bryan Parman, the training captain [and also president of the city's other police union, the Portland Police Commanding Officers Association], has made final selections or not.

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Will you release their names?

Absolutely. We had, I think, 41 people put in for it. I didn’t look at all 41 résumés. But I saw the list and thought it was a great group. We were hoping we would get nine to 12 people to participate. Obviously a group of 41 is hard to manage. But I told Bryan I don’t want nine or 12 happy people and another 29 who are pissed off at me.

Let’s take this opportunity to reimagine what we thought about the training advisory committee. So we’ll have three different subcommittees looking at defensive tactics, our patrol tactics, and looking at, maybe, firearms or Tasers. And you have a smaller executive committee. We would let people pick which area they were most interested in. I’m hoping everybody who put in will get to participate.

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And, let’s confirm: Despite initial reports, the meetings will be open?

The meetings will be open. If the committee decides there’s something confidential to review, then it can close the meeting. But otherwise the meetings will be open.

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Let’s talk about your relationship with the PPA. Daryl Turner has said the DOJ reforms are already causing injuries, citing an unusual spike in hurt officers late last year. Is he correct?

I haven’t seen any of the recent injuries tied to the settlement agreement. One, the agreement hasn’t been finalized yet. It’s in the court process now. Certainly officers now are, I think, considering it. They want to know what our Taser policy will be, where it will end up. And our force policy, where will that end up. They want to be trained so they can be in sync with court rulings around Tasers and use of force. Those officer injuries occurred because we interacted with people who were violent and intent on hurting us and the community.

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And you don’t foresee injuries being an issue when the settlement is finalized?

All those injuries came in a very short amount of time. We’ve had a couple of months since then. Things seem to be moving along as they always have. Use of force is down. We just had our most recent report for 2012, and force incidents have continued to drop. Our officers continue to be very thoughtful, and judicious, in how they approach their job. Force is very little of what we do. In a city of 600,000 people we use force on average twice a day to take someone into custody or enforce the law. It is a quarter of a percentage of all contacts. It’s only 3 percent of all arrests.

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Daryl Turner also has come out and accused you—after Sam Adams challenged an arbitrator’s reinstatement of Ron Frashour, the officer who killed Aaron Campbell—of lying and conspiring in the case. He’s attacked Lieutenant Robert King, formerly your top spokesman and a co-author of Frashour’s training review, implying he wasn’t truthful during arbitration. What’s it like being in the same room with Turner?

Daryl and I get along very well. There’s always going to be tension between labor and management. He has a role to play. He has a bully pulpit as the elected union president. Some of it’s because we are in a contract year, so he’s positioning for a contract. You’ll have to ask Daryl why he’s messaging things that way. Certainly, just on a personal level, Daryl and I like each other. We get along very well.

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So when he says those things about you, those strong statements he’s put out in the press, that doesn’t…

Well, that’s in the press. I don’t know if he has said them or not.

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Yes, but he’s also written them. He’s put them out in the union newsletter.

I disagree with his characterizations of the arbitration process. Certainly Robert King is one of the most respected people in this organization, a person of high integrity and ethics. I stand behind his work on the training review. Robert did an exceptional job. It’s interesting that no one is picking a part of the training review and saying it’s wrong. They’re going after the process. The training review, if you read it, is spot on. It is a very accurate reflection of the issues in play in the Frashour case.

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You mentioned the media. You’re alluding to the fact that reporters may not shade things correctly.

I don’t mean that. I just mean that Daryl will say something, and different media sources pick that up. You know, controversy sells papers. I respect the fact you guys have a job to do, and a little tension between labor and management doesn’t hurt things.

We are both on the same page in terms of keeping our officers safe, and doing everything we can to train our officers. There is a process that gets us there. And that process, because of the federal investigation, was a little compressed. We tried to get the policies done quickly. We may have not followed the best process at times. At the end of the day, Daryl and I really agree that we want the members of the bureau to be safe and well trained. We both agree we have exceptional officers here.

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Which reporters do that the most? I fully realize you might be looking in my direction.

The media can create a perception that government isn’t working. And it really matters that you get the story right. If we are doing something wrong, and you want to outline whether or not we’re doing our best work, I’m okay with that. But I don’t think it helps to create controversy just to create controversy. Does that make sense? I have a responsibility to this community. You have a responsibility, too. You have to provide balance. If it’s there.

Sometimes it isn’t.

True.

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Charlie Hales has told me he won’t declare—during the budget process—that the police automatically will suffer less than other bureaus. What does a 10 percent cut for the bureau look like?

Those are going to be difficult decisions for the city council. I really respect the fact that they have difficult decisions to make and balancing to do.

It can be counterproductive to community safety to close a community center—where kids have opportunities to play and interact in a positive fashion—just to save police jobs. Or to lay off firefighters to save police jobs.

And I respect the members of the council. They are good people, very thoughtful. We will provide them with information about the police bureau’s priorities, but We are not policing in a vacuum. We police in a community that has a lot of competing issues.

For example, our top priority with our school police officers is the safety of kids and staff and visitors. But our second priority is to help kids graduate. That has very little to do with our mission as a bureau, but everything to do with the future health of the city and long-term public safety issues. If we can get kids to graduate and become productive members of society, then they’re not in the criminal justice system. We’re all about looking at long-term ways to reduce people’s intersection with the criminal justice system.

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It sounds like you’re at least contemplating the possibility of layoffs.

I don’t know if it’ll get to layoffs. We may have vacancies we don’t fill. There are some opportunities to look at other cuts. In the past we’ve paid for some functions at the county. The county may have to pick those up. We fund a couple of deputy district attorneys. We pay for identification techs who work in the jail. We’ve got the Hooper Detox Center and the CHIERS service. Those are all areas that elected officials can work through.

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Some reports have come out, recently, charting racial disparities in police statistics. The most controversial looked at the bureau’s traffic and pedestrian stops. But a lot of people were heartened when, at a community meeting where those stats were revealed, officers actually said that yes, maybe, racism might be a factor in police work. Do you agree—and does that merit more introspection?

It does, and also the fact that there is a disparate impact on people of color throughout the criminal justice system—both as victims and as people who are incarcerated. We have to look at that impact, but it crosses so many different lines. You look at schools. Kids of color—there is a disparate impact in the discipline process there. You look at graduation rates. It’s everywhere in society.

It’s not just in law enforcement. And I really think it requires us to take a very frank look at everything we do with an equity lens.

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The bureau is improving how it collects and tracks data. Will that lead to answers?

Yeah, I mean, certainly you want to look at that. Because that can help you question why it looks that way. But, um, you know, sometimes the answer is obvious. You look at gang violence right now. Some 75 percent of the victims in gang shootings are African-Americans. That is a disparate impact. Most of the gang problem in Portland involves African-American gangs. So we have to ask ourselves as a community why a young person of color sees more hope in joining a gang than staying in school. Certainly, because of the role we play in law enforcement, we need to be at the forefront of that discussion.

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Only two people died last year as a result of officer-involved shootings. Other shootings obviously also happened, but that number is down. What’s changed?

With officer-involved shootings, again, we are a city of 600,000 people. They fluctuate. Last year we had six. Before that we had four. The year before that, six again. It goes up and down. They are such a small number that it’s hard to say it’s going this way or that for any specific reason. You have to look at larger trends.

Nationwide, if you look at us in terms of population, we are at the lower end of major cities in terms of shootings. If you just look at the metrics of it, the drop in our force numbers has been significant over the past five years. Not just officer-involved shootings but in broader categories where there’s enough data to actually get a sense that this is changing the culture of the organization.

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I was reminded of something that emerged in the transcript of the Frashour arbitration hearing. You said, “We don’t have a right to shoot him. He never displayed a weapon. He didn’t take any offensive action for the officer.” That’s a strong standard others have taken umbrage with. Officers don’t think that’s realistic. It also could apply to some of the other police shootings last year. Is that the lens through which you see discipline?

All of these situations, you have to look at them individually. Specific to Aaron Campbell, and not any other incident, you had a young man who had not committed a crime, who had not threatened to harm anyone except himself, who hadn’t displayed a weapon, and who was running away from the officer. So all of that goes into the totality of the circumstances that I weigh when I look at whether that shooting was justified. My answers in arbitration were specific to that set of circumstances.

In other circumstances, we will look at those on an individual basis.

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So if an officer is reading those remarks in the paper, on our blog, on the union newsletter, they shouldn’t assume that it applies to them?

Yeah, again, officers have a duty and a responsibility to protect themselves and the public from imminent danger. It’s hard to sit in hindsight and look at those incidents and judge them—but I have to. It’s my job. I respect that officers have to make split-second decisions. And I think we make really good decisions in the vast majority of cases. In the Campbell case, the officer didn’t make the best decision.

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The mayor has said he doesn’t support the ongoing court fight against Frashour’s reinstatement. Right now, he’s not on active duty. Will that change under Charlie Hales?

That’s a question for the mayor.

_________________________________________________________________________________________

That’s not something you’ve discussed yet?

No.

_________________________________________________________________________________________

If he asked you to do that, would you?

I respect the arbitration process. The city entered into it with the PPA in good faith.

_________________________________________________________________________________________

The arbitrator said he should be on active duty. So if Hales agrees, then…

At this point the council and the mayor have made a decision. I work for the mayor, and I’m going to follow his direction.

_________________________________________________________________________________________

Hales said pretty early that he wanted you to stay. And it’s January, and here you are. Has he laid out any goals for you? You’re eligible for retirement.

Now why did you have to go and say that?

_________________________________________________________________________________________

I’m just asking. Are you here to help him get on his feet? Or do you want to see this through longer than you actually have to be here?

I really believe that stability of leadership through this organizational change is critically important for the bureau and the community. I serve at the will of the mayor. I have a civilian boss, and I give him my best advice and I follow his direction.

But I would like to stay for a few more years, and the management team I have up here, I hope, can stay with me. I believe this is one of the longest tenures, since I’ve been a police officer, of any chief’s office.

It is two and a half years for all of us, and that’s a long time for a group of leaders to stay in place. I feel like I’ve got a team, with [Assistant Chief] Eric Hendricks and [civilian director of operations] Mike Kuykendall and [Assistant Chief] Larry O’Dea, who are just superb. I really appreciate the fact that they are willing to keep at it.

_________________________________________________________________________________________

One last question. Will you run for political office again?

I have a great job.

[Laughter erupts. Reese's current spokesman, Sergeant Pete Simpson, chimes in with: "Did he ever run for political office before?" Reese replies: "Yeah, exactly!" Reese, in late 2011, had set up a fundraising committee to run for mayor and was reaching out to endorsers and donors, but decided against formally filing papers.]

_________________________________________________________________________________________

People don’t consult [political adviser] Mark Wiener just to consult Mark Wiener.

I am very humbled by the opportunity to serve. And I really like our new mayor. And the council. I respect every one of them. This is going to be a really good year.

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Police Review Board files allow glimpse at misconduct, lack of accountability

Posted by Jenny on 18th January 2013

By Denis Theriault, The Portland Mercury, Jan. 16, 2013

Chief Mike Reese (center)

Chief Mike Reese (center)

Twice a year since 2011, the Portland Police Bureau quietly posts the work of its Police Review Board (PRB)—the group of civilians, cops, and city officials who weigh the most serious misconduct cases facing officers and then tell the chief, if they agree a cop has done wrong, what should be done about it.

The reports provide a compelling glimpse of the seamy underside of a police bureau with nearly 1,000 cops, and an equally frank look at how city and bureau officials respond to it. Details about police shootings and force cases mingle with accusations of cops driving drunk, hitting strip clubs, inappropriately touching subordinates, acting unprofessionally, or using their on-duty time to shop for personal electronics.

DOWNLOADPRB files (PDF, 2.75MB)

The board and the release of its documents were hailed as key triumphs in a 2010 police accountability push. But the reports, heavily redacted, also have some flaws:

They don’t include the names of accused officers. They don’t make clear how individual PRB members voted in a case. They also never include what discipline, if any, Chief Mike Reese actually metes out to cops. And that last issue, especially, is causing a minor stir in city hall. The latest batch of reports (PDF) revealed a nearly unanimous decision to fire a commanding officer accused of improperly touching female subordinates, lying, and pulling out his gun in an out-of-state road-rage incident. The Oregonian had previously reported the officer in question had been demoted.

Lt. Todd Wyatt

Lt. Todd Wyatt

Mary-Beth Baptista, the city’s independent police review director, has taken the unusual step of publicly condemning Reese’s decision. Her comments appeared in the Oregonian, which reported, a few days before the bureau posted the PRB reports, that former traffic division Captain Todd Wyatt had been bumped down to a lieutenant. And accountability activists are keenly watching whether the war of words leads to greater transparency.

“It’s unprecedented,” says Dan Handelman of Portland Copwatch, who has long demanded that review board hearings be open to the public.

The PRB reports show just one member voted against firing Wyatt—but the person is not identified. The five-member board includes civilians like Baptista, but also police officials—including an accused cop’s direct supervisor and an assistant chief.

The board’s recommendation was unsparingly forceful—finding Wyatt’s biggest problem came in telling the truth about the allegations he faced. Wyatt, besides speaking to internal affairs investigators, also addressed the PRB.

“Some members of the board felt that even a street patrol position was questionable given the gravity of the issues of poor judgment and untruthfulness/untrustworthiness,” says the report, which is prepared by the board’s nonpartisan facilitator.

Reese’s office has declined to release the letter it sent to Wyatt laying out his reasons for a demotion. That demotion was backed by then-Mayor Sam Adams, who also reviewed Wyatt’s file and joined the chief at a hearing where Wyatt was allowed to personally plead his case one last time and offer up “mitigating circumstances.”

“Individual discipline cases are confidential personnel matters. Neither the chief nor the bureau can comment on cases where an officer receives discipline,” Reese’s spokesman, Sergeant Pete Simpson, told the Mercury, calling the Police Review Board “only a recommendation and one step in a complex process.”

“Chief Reese takes discipline decisions very seriously and conducts a thorough analysis of the investigative materials, meets with the member officer, and discusses proposed discipline with the city attorney’s office to make sure that the police bureau is being fair and consistent with past discipline decisions,” Simpson continued.

State collective bargaining law, however, allows for officials to release discipline information if there’s a compelling public interest. The Mercury has asked the Multnomah County District Attorney’s Office to release the letter, arguing Wyatt’s case qualifies for a “public interest” exemption. That request joins another from the Oregonian, the DA’s office says.

Interestingly, Wyatt wasn’t the only officer in the latest reports recommended for termination.

In one 4-1 vote, the board found against a cop accused of lying to his commanding officer after he got caught some 80 blocks outside his assigned district—apparently so he could purchase a TV. Then, in a unanimous vote, the PRB urged Reese to dismiss a cop accused of failing to file a special “use of force” report and then lying to cover his tracks.

Simpson, citing state law, also declined to comment when asked if discipline in those cases also differed from the PRB’s recommendation.

Asked about what seemed like the bureau’s proactive release of discipline letters in cases involving Captain Mark Kruger (accused of hanging Nazi memorabilia in a park), Officer Ron Frashour (fired for shooting Aaron Campbell in the back), and then-Officer Chris Humphreys (cleared of misconduct after firing a beanbag shotgun at a preteen), Simpson said the bureau likely released information only when ordered by the DA.

“I’m nearly certain,” Simpson said, “that in all of them they did.”

The DA’s office, meanwhile, says it expects to decide on releasing Wyatt’s letter as soon as January 23.

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Across nation, unsettling acceptance when mentally ill in crisis are killed

Posted by admin2 on 11th December 2012

Readers:  This article takes a look at police violence against people with mental illness nationwide.  MHAP encourages this broad view.  We believe the problem is not limited to our city, and can be found throughout the U.S.

Please note, this story comes from Portland, Maine.  References to “Portland” mean the city in Maine, unless the state of Oregon is specified, as in “Portland, Ore.”

By Kelley Bouchard, Press-Herald, Dec. 10, 2012

Portland police officersA few times each week, across the United States, police shoot and kill mentally ill people in complicated, often incredible circumstances.

In Houston, Texas, a pen-wielding, wheelchair-bound double amputee is fatally shot in the head when police are called to a group home for the mentally ill. In Saginaw, Mich., six police officers gun down a homeless, schizophrenic man in a vacant parking lot when he refuses to drop a small folding knife.

In Seattle, Wash., a police officer fatally shoots a mentally ill, chronic alcoholic as he crosses the street, carving a piece of wood with a pocket knife. In Portland, Ore., police check on a man threatening suicide and wind up killing him with a single gunshot in the back.

“Some of them, it seems the person is almost executed,” said Ron Honberg, director of national policy and legal affairs at the National Alliance on Mental Illness, the country’s premier mental health advocacy group.

And yet, there has been no national outcry, no effort to tally the number of unnecessary deaths and no discernible leadership from the U.S. Department of Justice and other organizations, including NAMI, to effectively stem avoidable bloodshed.

A Portland Press Herald/Maine Sunday Telegram investigation found no federal accounting of or reliable national data on police shootings of mentally ill people. State and local statistics are spotty and inconsistent, but a review of available reports indicates that at least half of the estimated 375 to 500 people shot and killed by police each year in this country have mental health problems.

In Maine, 42 percent of people shot by police since 2000 — and 58 percent of those who died from their injuries — had mental health problems, according to reports from the Maine Attorney General’s Office. In many cases, the officers knew that the subjects were disturbed, and they were dead in a matter of moments. And virtually all of the officers who pulled the trigger lacked training that might have prevented a tragedy.

The problem appears to be growing, cropping up regularly in news reports and at law enforcement conferences across the country. Mental-health and law-enforcement experts attribute some of the increased attention to greater public awareness of and sensitivity to mistreatment of the mentally ill.

But while the Justice Department counts every assault, robbery and drunk-driving arrest — as well as every police officer shot on duty — it gathers no numbers on mentally ill people shot by police. Without concrete data to quantify the problem, target solutions and assess results, mental-health and law-enforcement experts agree that the issue cannot be addressed effectively.

The newspaper also found that, without a mandate from Congress to attack the problem nationally, there’s widespread reluctance to scrutinize police shootings of the mentally ill and little impetus to question the effectiveness of Justice Department grant programs that address the issue in very limited ways.

At the same time, there’s broad agreement that an inadequate public mental health care system, further eroded by $4.53 billion in state-level budget cuts since 2009, has put police on the front lines of a crisis in our society that few officers are adequately trained to handle.

As a result, police officials across the country report spending more time and money responding to calls for service that involve mentally ill or emotionally disturbed people, but little data has been gathered to quantify the strain on public resources.

NO CONCERTED NATIONAL EFFORT

The Justice Department’s Civil Rights Division has been invited to investigate and crack down on perceived police misconduct involving mentally ill people in a few major cities, including New Orleans, Seattle and, most recently, Portland, Ore.

In November, officials in Oregon’s largest city accepted a Justice Department settlement that could cost taxpayers more than $5 million per year. It calls for sweeping policy changes that favor de-escalation tactics over use of force and will add 32 positions aimed at improving police interactions with the mentally ill.

Despite these occasional actions, however, the newspaper found that the Justice Department has failed to lead a concerted, national effort to effectively stem a problem that dates back to the 1980s. That’s when police started experiencing more encounters with the mentally ill, as states began closing large, public psychiatric hospitals and counting on community mental health services that have yet to meet expectations.

The Justice Department spends millions of dollars each year on grant programs to help a relative handful of the 18,000 police departments in the United States improve their interactions with the mentally ill. For the most part, the federal agency lets local communities decide whether to adopt special policies or provide special training that might improve officers’ response to people in crisis.

The Justice Department typically only steps in when police shootings of the mentally ill or other minorities ignite public outrage. Then, its Civil Rights Division requires police departments to make after-the-fact, local policy and operational changes — including crisis intervention training promoted by NAMI and other organizations — that can produce questionable, unverified results.

NAMI’s Honberg acknowledges that even his group has failed to push for a unified, national approach to the problem, though the organization targets over-incarceration of the mentally ill as a major concern. At least 17 percent of the 2.2 million people in U.S. jails and prisons are mentally ill, according to recent studies.

Honberg agrees that similar attention should be paid to police shootings of the mentally ill.

“(It’s) not a national priority, and it should be, not only for humanitarian reasons, but for economic reasons as well,” Honberg said.

JUSTICE DEPT. HAS SECONDARY ROLE

The Civil Rights Division declined repeated requests for interviews to learn more about its investigations. It finally issued the following written statement:

“For a variety of reasons, police departments are finding that they have to deal (increasingly) with persons in mental health crisis. Police departments have to make sure that they and their officers are properly trained to appropriately handle these situations.

“Our investigations in Portland, (Ore.), Seattle and New Orleans indicated that officers sometimes use force that is inappropriate for a person in mental health crisis and increases the risk of harm to the officer, the individual in crisis, and the community when situations can be de-escalated in a manner that is safe for everyone involved.

“As with all of our investigative findings and agreements, we hope that other departments are reviewing these to ensure that they are doing what is constitutionally required.”

Civil rights experts at the American Civil Liberties Union’s national office also declined to be interviewed for this report. Like NAMI, the ACLU actively works on the related issue of over-incarceration of the mentally ill, and its website offers several staff members with expertise in various areas of law enforcement.

An ACLU spokeswoman said via email that the organization’s response to specific incidents of police use of force, including shootings of the mentally ill, is left to local chapters.

Ultimately, many of the shootings are found to be “justifiable” and represent a tiny fraction of the 40 million Americans who interact with police annually, but that’s little consolation to family members and others who say many of the deaths are unnecessary.

“The shootings may be (considered) lawful, but they’re awful,” said Melissa Reuland, an independent consultant with the Justice Center at the Council of State Governments who has studied the issue since the 1990s.

RESISTANCE TO SECOND-GUESSING

Despite repeated tragedies, the Justice Department has failed to conduct detailed analyses of police shootings, including those involving the mentally ill. Many people close to the issue, including Honberg and other NAMI leaders, say they avoid second-guessing the actions of officers in crisis situations.

“I try to avoid Monday-morning quarterbacking because the police are being put in an impossible situation,” Honberg said. Concerns about local control, privacy rights and liability issues also stand in the way of quantifying and attacking the problem, he said.

“There are a lot of disincentives to report” the full impact of police shootings, Honberg said, because law enforcement officials are always trying to avoid the potential for costly lawsuits.

To effectively address the problem, experts say communities need reliable national statistics to analyze where, when and how police shootings happen. They need independent research to identify contributing factors and cull best practices that could help police avoid shootings. Some also believe there should be a national mandatory use-of-force policy to guide law enforcement’s response to people with mental illness.

One law enforcement official who’s calling for national action is Art Acevedo, police chief in Austin, Texas. He’s a member of the Research Advisory Committee of the International Association of Chiefs of Police.

“Bad outcomes around the country reflect badly on all of us,” Acevedo said. “The more information and consistency we have around the country, the better off we are as a nation.”

A national approach would increase the safety of both police officers and the communities they serve, Acevedo and others said.

It also could save taxpayers money, they said, if government leaders were able to demonstrate that it’s more cost-effective to fully fund mental health services and police training up front, rather than risk more expensive responses and sometimes tragic results when crisis situations go wrong.

“It’s the only way anything will change,” said Michael Biasotti, police chief in Windsor, N.Y., whose recent master’s degree thesis study of the apparent rise in mental health-related police calls gained national attention among law-enforcement and mental-health experts.

“It’s not just about the (mentally ill) people police are shooting,” Biasotti said. “It’s about the care they aren’t getting and they should be getting so they don’t pose a danger to themselves or anyone else.”

U.S.-FUNDED GROUPS COMPLICIT?

Some mental health care advocates question whether organizations that benefit from federal funding and laws that encourage “collaboration” on the issue have any real motivation to push for change. These organizations include state and local government agencies, such as police departments, and powerful nonprofits, such as NAMI, the Justice Center at the Council of State Governments and the Police Executive Research Forum in Washington, D.C.

“People don’t want to upset the flow of federal funding,” said Joe Bruce, a nationally known advocate who lives in Maine. “But to change anything, politicians and others in positions of power need to speak up and reverse the way things have been done for years.”

Since 2006, the Justice Department’s Bureau of Justice Assistance has doled out $5 million to $12 million annually to local, state and federal policymakers, law enforcement officials and mental health professionals under the Mentally Ill Offender Treatment and Crime Reduction Act of 2004.

The act funds the Justice and Mental Health Collaboration Program, which is administered by the Justice Center at the Council of State Governments. The money is used to plan, implement and expand various corrections, housing and training programs across the country.

About $1 million of the $9 million awarded in fiscal 2012 went to the Justice Center to oversee the program, provide technical assistance for grant recipients and promote “state-based capacity building.”

The Bureau of Justice Assistance also has awarded $1.3 million in discretionary funds since fiscal 2010 to support the development of mental health courts through the Justice Center as an alternative to the criminal justice system, said bureau spokeswoman Sheila Jerusalem.

In the same period, the bureau spent an additional $900,000 in discretionary funds to help the University of Memphis develop specialized police responses to people with mental illness, Jerusalem said.

Without national statistics or an independent review to gauge the success of its grant programs, the bureau requires recipients to submit performance data on their efforts and includes notable outcomes in its annual report, Jersusalem said. The 2011 report has yet to be released.

Later this month, the bureau also plans to issue a report highlighting efforts in eight states — Colorado, Connecticut, Florida, Georgia, Illinois, Maine, Ohio and Utah — to provide specialized training for police response to people with mental illness. In Maine, the report focuses on crisis intervention training provided by NAMI-Maine to 1,400 police, corrections officers and emergency responders since 2000. The report was prepared by the Justice Center at the Council of State Governments.

“We do notice (police shootings of the mentally ill) as an issue,” said Ruby Qazilbash, an associate deputy director at the Bureau of Justice Assistance.

“There are a lot of cool models” for improving police response to people in crisis, Qazilbash said. But it would be difficult to recommend or prescribe one model or approach over another, she said, because “in law enforcement, it’s really difficult to show what didn’t happen.”

Chuck Wexler, executive director of the Police Executive Research Forum, disputes the idea that federally funded collaboration makes the groups involved complicit in the lack of nationwide action. He also questions the need for a stronger federal response, such as a mandatory use-of-force policy to guide law enforcement’s interactions with the mentally ill.

Wexler agrees that communities need to take a comprehensive approach to the problem, involving mental health agencies in the training of every officer. But he believes the Justice Department’s action in Portland, Ore., will be enough to promote necessary change in other communities.

“Other police departments will look at that as an example of where the field is going,” Wexler said. “Every department has different challenges. I’m not sure one policy makes sense for every department.”

WHEN SHOOTING SEEMS EXCESSIVE

In many cases, mentally ill people shot by police have threatened, injured or even killed others. Sometimes, they have threatened suicide or expressed a desire to be shot by the police. Frequently, the use of deadly force seems excessive, if not utterly unnecessary.

In July, six police officers in Saginaw, Mich., shot and killed a mentally ill homeless man who was wielding a knife in the parking lot of a closed Chinese restaurant. When 49-year-old Milton Hall refused to drop the knife, the officers fired a total of 46 rounds, hitting him 11 times, according to news reports. The police officers were cleared.

In September, a police officer in Houston fatally shot a schizophrenic, wheelchair-bound double amputee at a group home for the mentally ill. A caretaker reported that Brian Claunch, 45, had been acting aggressively, upset that he was denied cigarettes and a soda.

The officer said he thought Claunch was holding a weapon. The item in his hand turned out to be a pen. News reports said Claunch liked to doodle. The police chief put the officer on desk duty and asked the FBI to investigate the shooting.

Also in September, a Los Angeles jury awarded $3.2 million in damages to Valerie Allen, a 37-year-old woman with bipolar disorder who survived being shot three times and Tasered by police in 2009. The 5-foot-3-inch, 237-pound woman was running through a neighborhood, wearing only a T-shirt, when she grabbed a 29-inch wooden stake and knocked down one of two officers pursuing her, said Los Angeles Police Chief Charlie Beck. The officers were cleared by local officials, but the jury found they used excessive force.

SHOOTING REVIEWS SPUR SETTLEMENTS

Incidents like these have brought Justice Department intervention in a few cities.

In July, the federal agency announced a consent decree forcing reforms in the New Orleans Police Department. The action concluded a two-year investigation that found widespread corruption and discrimination, including regular use of unreasonable force against people in mental health crisis, sometimes when “it appeared that no use of force was justified.” Investigators noted in their report that New Orleans received $8.3 million in Justice Department funding in the last three years.

Also in July, the agency announced a similar settlement after an eight-month investigation in Seattle. Investigators found that officers often used excessive force against people who are mentally ill and/or intoxicated, a population that accounts for 70 percent of use-of-force incidents in that city.

Investigators concluded further that many questionable cases in Seattle escalated from minor crimes and improper investigatory stops, such as the 2010 killing of Native American totem carver John T. Williams. The mentally ill alcoholic was shot while crossing a street and carving a piece of wood with a small knife.

Williams, who was hearing-impaired, didn’t respond to an officer’s command to drop the knife. The city paid Williams’ family a $1.5 million settlement — half of the $3 million that Seattle has spent for police misconduct cases in the last six years, according to the Justice Department’s complaint.

In October, the Justice Department announced a settlement in Portland, Ore., where investigators found that police regularly used unnecessary or unreasonable force during interactions with people who have or appear to have mental illness. The agency concluded that nine of 12 people (75 percent) who were shot and killed by cops in Oregon’s largest city in the last three years were affected by mental illness.

The 14-month investigation was triggered, in part, by the 2010 killing of Aaron Campbell, who was unarmed and distraught over his brother’s recent death when an officer shot him in the back. A grand jury cleared the officer, who said he thought Campbell was reaching for a gun.

LACK OF DATA STYMIES ANALYSIS

A major roadblock in analyzing police shootings of the mentally ill is the fact that the federal government doesn’t gather complete, reliable data on police shootings in general.

The Justice Department collects detailed annual statistics on robberies, assaults and even shootings of police, but shootings by police escape the same scrutiny.

In recent years, the federal agency attempted — but has since abandoned — an effort to count arrest-related deaths of people who appeared to be mentally ill.

The FBI’s annual Uniform Crime Reports reflect statistics voluntarily submitted by about 17,000 of the country’s 18,000 police departments, representing about 95 percent of the nation’s population.

However, the FBI tallies only police shootings that result in “justifiable” homicides; 373 to 411 of these shootings occurred each year from 2006 through 2010. Unjustified police shootings are counted among all other homicides. The FBI doesn’t specifically count any incidents involving mentally ill people.

The Bureau of Justice Statistics, another arm of the Justice Department, also collects information on police shootings that is voluntarily submitted as part of its annual Arrest-Related Deaths survey.

Started in 2003, the program initially was tied to federal grants, so states had an incentive to report data, bureau officials said.

When the money ran out, impetus to fill out the two-page form waned, so bureau statistician Andrea Burch now goads reluctant states into filling out the form and gleans additional data from media reports, she said.

The bureau’s last report, comparing survey results from 2003 to 2009, showed that 375 to 497 people were killed annually by police. The survey report doesn’t specify weapons used, but it’s usually a gun, Burch said.

In 2009, the bureau added a survey question about the behavior of each person who died during arrest, asking “Did the deceased exhibit any mental health problems?” However, the bureau has since withheld the results of that question and plans to remove the question from the 2013 survey because Burch found inconsistencies in reporting from state to state and problems with the question itself.

“We did not feel we were collecting data that was valid and reliable,” Burch said.

The question required subjective judgment of officers involved, Burch said, and the officers often felt hampered by privacy laws and unqualified to register a mental health opinion. The question also didn’t take into account other reasons for emotionally disturbed behavior, such as intoxication.

Furthermore, Burch said, the person filling out arrest-related death forms in each state changes frequently and usually isn’t the officer involved in the shooting. In Maine, for instance, it’s an administrator at the Chief Medical Examiner’s Office.

“We tried to come up with a different way to ask the question,” she said, “but we kept running into the same issues.”

SOME STATES ARE TAKING NOTICE

Without comparative national data, it’s difficult to reach conclusions about the fact that at least 24 of 57 Mainers (42 percent) who were shot by police since 2000 — and 19 of 33 people (58 percent) who died as a result — had mental health issues, according to reports from the Maine Attorney General’s Office.

Some other states and communities are taking notice and keeping track.

In New Hampshire, four of five people shot and killed by police in 2011 had mental health issues (80 percent); a sixth person shot by police also was mentally ill but survived, according to reports from the state’s Office of the Attorney General. All six shootings were found to be justified. A review of the New Hampshire attorney general’s reports on police shootings from 2007 through 2012 showed that seven of nine people killed by officers during that period had mental health issues (78 percent).

In Syracuse, N.Y., three of five people (60 percent) shot by police in 2011 were mentally ill, according to news reports. One of three people who died in those shootings was mentally ill.

Often, when agencies or organizations add up and analyze police shootings of the mentally ill, they fail to report separate statistics on people who were killed, making it difficult to assess the worst impact of these incidents.

In Santa Clara County, Calif., officials reported that nine of 22 people (41 percent) shot during a recent five-year period were mentally ill, according to a crisis intervention training guide.

In Albuquerque, N.M., 75 percent of police shootings in the last two years had a “mental health context,” the state’s Public Defender Department noted in its annual report for fiscal 2012.

The Police Executive Research Forum conducted a separate review of use of force by Albuquerque police from 2006 to 2010. Hired by the city, PERF found that 54 percent of people “whose actions led APD officers to use deadly force” had a confirmed history of mental illness. Elsewhere in its report, PERF noted that half of the 37 people shot during that period died from their injuries.

Also in its Albuquerque report, PERF noted that “national data indicate” 65 percent of police shootings involve mentally ill people. However, the origin of that statistic is unclear and PERF’s Wexler failed to substantiate the number when asked.

CALLS FOR REFORM EMERGING

In July, the Treatment Advocacy Center in Arlington, Va., issued a report saying it was “problematic” that the Justice Department fails to collect data on police interactions with and shootings of the mentally ill. The national nonprofit promotes laws and policies for timely and effective treatment of severe mental illness.

The advocacy center also suggested that “further study is warranted,” given anecdotal experiences of police across the nation who report increases in mental health-related calls.

The recommendation, buried in a 25-page report, “No Room at the Inn: Trends and Consequences of Closing Public Psychiatric Hospitals,” is one of the strongest calls on record for improving data collection in this area.

The advocacy center’s hope is that better data will show the benefit of spending more on mental health care and reducing the greater cost and safety threat that untreated mental illness poses to both citizens and police.

“The mental health care system has been shifting responsibility to law enforcement for some time now,” said Kristina Ragosta, the advocacy center’s top lawyer. “Police departments have become default first-responders to people in mental health crisis.”

In February, Las Vegas Sheriff Doug Gillespie spoke more broadly on the lack of data on police shootings in general at a national summit on minimizing use of force that was hosted by the Police Executive Research Forum.

“We’ve demonstrated that we do a very good job of analyzing data proactively from a crime-fighting standpoint,” Gillespie said at the summit. “I believe that the issue here with use of force is that we just don’t have the data that can help us be more proactive about preventing mishandling of use-of-force situations.”

The same month, Gillespie opened his agency to an ongoing review by the Justice Department’s Community Oriented Policing program, after a record 12 police shootings in 2011.

CHIEF WANTS NATIONAL POLICY

Also at the PERF summit, Austin Chief Acevedo cited protection of local control as a major barrier to reforming police practices across the U.S.

“I think the biggest problem we have in this country is that we have 18,000 police departments with 18,000 sets of policies and 18,000 ways of doing business,” Acevedo said. “We should come together and develop model policies. It’s about holding people accountable for their actions and having some consensus on model policies.”

Interviewed more recently, Acevedo said a national model policy on police interactions with the mentally ill should be developed by leading law enforcement, mental health and civil rights advocacy groups. The federal government should require all police agencies to adopt the policy in order to receive grant funding, as it has for drunk-driving laws, he said.

In September, Acevedo adopted a new policy for responding to calls involving people who are known or thought to be mentally or emotionally disturbed. Dispatchers must send four officers and a supervisor, including at least one officer who’s specially trained to resolve crises with little or no use of force.

Acevedo said he was prompted to adopt the policy as part of an overall effort to reduce potential use of force and to avoid what’s happened in other departments. His department had two fatal police shootings this year; both subjects had long criminal records.

Having a similar national policy for dealing with the mentally ill would help reduce legal liabilities for law enforcement, Acevedo said, because departments would no longer have individual policies that can be challenged more easily in court. He disputed concerns about undermining local control, noting the overarching benefit of having all departments operating under recommended best practices.

“In big cities and small towns, use of force is use of force,” Acevedo said.

IMPROVING POLICE TACTICAL RESPONSE

Information is available to departments that want to address the issue.

The website of the Justice Center at the Council of State Governments identifies six “learning sites,” including Portland, Maine, where police departments have developed effective responses to the mentally ill and officers are willing to share what they’ve learned.

The Justice Center also drafted reports in 2008 and 2010 aimed at “Improving Responses to People with Mental Illness.” Center staff members visited four police departments and surveyed several others to learn about “specialized policing responses” to the mentally ill, including crisis intervention teams.

The 2010 report, in particular, was produced for the Justice Department with assistance from of the Police Executive Research Forum. However, on the copyright page, all three organizations explicitly deny responsibility for information contained in the report, leaving local departments to determine whether the training strategies or police practices outlined in the report are valid.

The Justice Department avoids prescribing law enforcement solutions or policies for all departments because it has no mandate from Congress to take such positions.

“They’re authorized to give out grants and investigate if a problem is identified,” said Robert Fleischner, an attorney with the Center for Public Representation in Northampton, Mass., who has represented mentally ill clients in disputes with police for about 40 years.

Developing effective law enforcement policies and practices related to the mentally ill probably should be handled at the state level with help from the federal government, Fleischner said.

A state-level approach would help address the fact that local departments tend to change policy based on one horrible incident, which doesn’t always bring the best results, said Melissa Reuland, the independent consultant with the Justice Center.

Crisis intervention teams in particular, which work in some communities, haven’t undergone a comprehensive, independent analysis to see what actually works. Reuland said. Supporters say about 2,000 police departments have had crisis intervention training, but only about 1,000 have active programs, she said.

DATA COLLECTION RESEARCH PLANNED

Albuquerque, Seattle and Portland, Ore., all had crisis intervention programs when they saw spikes in shootings of mentally ill people.

“I cannot tell you, except anecdotally, what the impact of CIT is,” Reuland said. “I want to be careful so communities don’t think (it’s) a press-and-play (solution). There is no one-size-fits-all.”

Reuland said a major barrier to improving police response to the mentally ill is the inability of local departments to collect their own data. Computer technology, operational policies, reporting habits and officers’ expertise vary greatly among departments.

That barrier may soon be broken. The Justice Center, in partnership with the Police Executive Research Forum, recently got a $428,000 Justice Department grant to provide technical assistance and report on efforts to improve data collection on mental- and behavioral-health police calls in Cambridge, Mass., Delaware, Ohio, and Denver, Colo., said Fred Osher, the center’s director of health systems and services policy.

The Justice Center is expected to issue a report on the study in 2014, Osher said. Data-gathering methods that prove valuable could be applied at other departments, which would allow the center to gather broader statistical information.

With better data on the real cost of responding to mental health-related police calls, communities may see the value in spending more on mental health care.

“If we quantify the problem in numbers, we can make a case for funding,” Osher said.

Ultimately, Austin Chief Acevedo said, saving money may be the prime motivation to change government policies and spending priorities in ways that reduce police shootings of the mentally ill.

“Economic realities being what they are,” Acevedo said, “government agencies will be forced to put politics and concerns about local control aside in favor of effective service.”

And possibly save some lives.

 

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PPA accuses city auditor of playing politics in Frashour case

Posted by admin2 on 2nd October 2012

Daryl Turner (foreground) and Chief Mike Reese.

By Maxine Bernstein, The Oregonian, October 2, 2012

The Portland Police Association Tuesday morning argued that the city auditor’s review of witness testimony in the arbitration involving fired Officer Ron Frashour was not independent but marred by politics.

“We had requested an independent review of testimony of city witness testimony by a third-party,” wrote Officer Daryl Turner, association president, in response to the auditor’s report released five minutes to 5 p.m. on Monday.

“Instead, we received a review from the city’s own auditor who, prior to issuing her review, met privately with Mayor Adams and Chief Reese, but not with the PPA leadership,” Turner wrote, in prepared comments.

After the city auditor released her report, Mayor Sam Adams tweeted this message: “Based on the Auditor’s findings, I respectfully ask the Portland Police Association to cease their attacks on the character and integrity of member of the Portland Police Bureau, and to start focusing on the facts of this case.”

Using Mayor Sam Adams’ own words from the Twitter message, Turner Monday morning urged city commissioners to “focus on the facts of this case,” before considering whether to appeal a state panel’s ruling that orders the city to abide by an arbitrator’s award that Frashour be reinstated to the police force.

At  2 p.m. on Thursday, the City Council is set to consider a resolution to appeal the ruling by the state Employment Relations Board.

“The fact is, the PPA has always focused on the facts of Officer Frashour’s use of deadly force,” Turner wrote. “In contrast, the City – and Mayor Adams – have focused on politics, which deprived the community of facts that would allow them to understand why Officer Frashour justifiably used deadly force, and why every neutral party that has reviewed this case has agreed…”

The mayor and police chief fired Frashour in November 2010, finding his use of deadly force against Campbell on Jan. 29, 2010 was not justified because [Aaron] Campbell did not pose an immediate threat.

The union filed a grievance challenging the firing. Portland police trainers testified that Frashour acted consistent with his bureau training – contrary to Chief Mike Reese‘s testimony that Frashour did not acted as trained. Arbitrator Jane Wilkinson ordered the city to reinstate Frashour, finding the firing unjust.

Meanwhile, the police union called for an independent investigation of Lt. Robert King‘s testimony from the arbitration hearings.

King, who oversaw the training division’s review of Frashour’s shooting, testified before an arbitrator reviewing Frashour’s firing that the training division’s analysis was a “coordinated effort among bureau training instructors.” He testified that he discussed the shooting “extensively” with seven bureau instructors and showed them a draft of his review. The review, King testified, concluded that Frashour did not act according to his training.

But King broke down in tears under cross-examination after union attorney Will Aitchison on entered into evidence five drafts between May 12 and June 20, 2010, in which King found that Frashour had acted appropriately, before he suddenly concluded the opposite in his final June 21, 2010, review.

When grilled by the union attorney, King acknowledged that he did not ask any trainers to review the full investigative files of the shooting and included none of their opinions in his final review, according to a transcript of King’s testimony in late September 2011 obtained by The Oregonian.

Police union leaders called for an independent investigation of King’s testimony, saying the unusual turn of events suggested that Frashour’s firing was politically motivated. They pointed to the fact that the review was done by a new lieutenant who shut out the opinions of lead police trainers, and that the findings changed after the May 12, 2010, appointment of Chief Mike Reese.

City Auditor LaVonne Griffin-Valade, selected by the mayor to conduct an investigation, concluded that no police witnesses “appear to have violated” the bureau directive requiring truthfulness. The auditor also concluded there was no “documentary evidence” that King or others in the bureau, including the police chief, faced political pressure to fire Frashour.

“There is no indication in King’s testimony that he was untruthful about whether and the extent to which he consulted with training instructors in the process of developing” the training analysis of Frashour’s fatal shooting, the auditor wrote.

Police union attorney Anil Karia, who was present during one of the interviews of a police training instructor for the auditor’s review, stated his concerns to those conducting the interview:

According to a transcript of the testimony, Karia said:

So for the record, this is ANIL KARIA and on behalf of the PPA, I wanted to note two concerns or objections if you will, to this investigation.  The first is that it appears that this particular investigation is retaliatory towards PPA members who testified at Officer Frashour’s labor arbitration. Secondly, it also appears that IPR is improperly using Internal Affairs to compel PPA members to this investigation, to make up for the fact that IPR lacks subpoena power over PPA members.

Reese, in his interview with the auditor’s investigators, said he believed that some of the bureau’s police trainers were improperly swayed by a Power [sic] presentation that the union attorney Aitchison presented to the bureau during a mitigation hearing in defense of Frashour before his termination.

“I believe that they – the PPA presented to our due process hearing a PowerPoint presentation that they then showed to the trainers, and it was not factually accurate,” Reese told investigators. “I think if they’re reviewing all of the material in a more sterile environment, without the filter of management or labor, that they may come to different conclusions.”

When asked if he knew how the bureau’s training division reviews of police shootings were to occur, the chief said he didn’t know.

Constantin Severe, the assistant director of the Independent Police Review Division who questioned the chief, asked, “So to your knowledge is there a standard operating procedure or directive that governs what a training analysis is supposed to consist of or how it’s supposed to be routed through the process in these cases?”

Reese said, “No, I don’t know. I’m sure the training has some protocols on it.”

Yet the city auditor found that at the time of Frashour’s shooting review, there were no established procedures for the training division’s analysis of the officer-involved shooting. She recommended the bureau adopt stringent standards that define the scope of the reviews, who conducts them and what to do if there are different conclusions by members of the training division.

Assistant Chief Larry O’Dea, in his interview, cited his concerns about what he thought were misguided trainers’ opinions of the Frashour shooting.

“I felt like what I heard was a..a rehearsed union story from some of the trainers, not individual opinions on here’s what I know, here’s what..how to apply this,” O’Dea said.

O’Dea did point out that the training review’s analysis of the Campbell shooting was handled differently, because the training division captain, then Bob Day, could not supervise it since he was the commander involved in the Campbell case. That’s why King. a lieutenant in the training division, was reporting to O’Dea, and emailing O’Dea drafts of his training analyses

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